The construction of an independent knowledge system of Chinese economics must“excavate history”because new categories,propositions,and theories tend to emerge in those fields characterized by high complexity,low theoretical exclusivity,and the necessity of accommodating competing hypotheses,the fields that are historically deep and broad by their natureThe historical dimension of current Chinese economics research is fragmented across three mutually isolated domains: evaluation of shortterm policy,studies on persistence within cliometrics,and traditional historiography,none of which has formed an effective synergyStudies on persistence themselves are also limited by their methodology,including the tragedy of the commons in instrumental variables and the streetlight effectTo independently distill distinctively Chinese categories and theoretical propositions from Chinas rich historical experience ranging from the collective cognitive frameworks of the civilizational matrix to the developmental practices since the reform and openingup,it is necessary to build coordinated research efforts across different temporal scalesThe temporal scale is not merely a question of historical periodization,but is also an epistemological prerequisite for balancing theoretical abstraction against realworld complexity,since different temporal scales entail different research orientations,different causal mechanisms,and different applicable analytical toolsDistilling the characteristics of the Chinese civilizational matrix at the scale of civilizational history,and promoting coordinated knowledge production across the three scales of civilizational history,institutional history,and the history of policy,will contribute to building an independent knowledge system of Chinese economics that is grounded in its own subjectivity,open to dialogue,and capable of expansion.

The construction of Chinese economic theory requires both the adherence to practical orientation and the application of quantitative analysis,yet how to integrate the two remains unclearTo address this question,this article explores the methodology of Chinese economics from an epistemological perspectiveThe method of quantitative analysis based on deduction and induction is more applicable for the confirmation of the theories on Chinese economicsAbductive reasoning provides a logical foundation for qualitative research,embodies practical orientation,and is more applicable to the discovery of theories on Chinese economicsFrom an epistemological perspective,the complete process of theoretical construction in Chinese economics is from discovery to confirmationAs the three stages of theoretical construction,the complementarity of abduction,deduction,and induction deserves special attentionQualitative research and quantitative analysis each have their own strengths,and Chinese economics should adopt an open mindset to move towards methodological pluralism.

The relationship between sympathy,love and justice is a central issue in moral sentimentalism and political sentimentalismBased on the fundamental motivation of altruism,Scheler,Slote,and Nussbaum have provided representative arguments for a sentimentalist theory of justice from the perspectives of phenomenological ethics,virtue ethics,and political philosophy,respectivelySchelers critique of the old sympathy ethics,represented by modern moral sense philosophy,aims to demonstrate that building morality on the foundation of sympathy,which is essentially empathy,is misguidedOnly by establishing the foundational role of love over sympathy or empathy and reshaping the perception of value in accordance with the objective“order of love”can genuine moral solidarity and social justice be restoredSlote,on the other hand,constructs a sentimentalist normative ethics based on empathy,attempting to regard empathy as both a necessary and sufficient condition for morality and justice,thereby laying the groundwork for the legitimacy of rights and social justiceWhile agreeing with Slote that sympathy or empathy is not only a moral emotion but also a political or public emotion and that cultivating and expanding sympathy can contribute to social solidarity and justice,Nussbaum also aligns with Schelers view that love precedes sympathy or empathyShe argues that the imaginative empathy required by society is nurtured by love,and only empathy grounded in love can truly achieve tolerance and care,thereby realizing social justiceWhile affirming the rationality of moral sentimentalism and political sentimentalism,we must also recognize the boundaries between emotion and reason,as well as between morality and politicsWe must avoid falling into emotional foundationalism and moral idealism,while also steering clear of blind patriotism,narrow nationalism,and conservatism.

It is well known that fear serves as the anthropological foundation for Hobbes'political philosophy.However,discussions about this fear are vague and often contradictory in his LeviathanTo clarify the nature of this fear,we must first understand Hobbes general view of passionsPassions are not animalistic,passive instinctual impulse but rather the manifestation of activity of human inner lifeThe passionate life of the natural man creates a chaotic state beyond the grasp of reasonIt is within this state that the emotion of fear arises in the natural manThe essence of this fear in the state of nature is,in fact,an aesthetic sense of the sublimeUnder the dominance of this sublime feeling,natural men find reconciliation with one another,and the Leviathan ultimately becomes the ideal community for natural men who have achieved such reconciliation.

Contemporary liberalism is centrally concerned with how individuals in modern society can form social bonds and cooperateIn the public sphere,normative liberals,such as John Rawls,seek political norms grounded in public reason,whereas pluralists like Isaiah Berlin maintain that only provisional compromise is possibleWith respect to the question of community,Rawlsian normative theorists derive responsibility and reciprocity from rights,while postEnlightenment thinkers,such as Rorty,attempt to break with universalist principles and to construct a theory of solidarity based on individual imaginationDespite internal disputes between universalism and pluralism,contemporary liberal approaches remain trapped within a binary opposition between the private and the public spheresBy reducing differences in peoples possession of things and the historical necessity underlying those differences to merely particular and contingent variations,contemporary liberalism fails to disclose the power relations embedded in interpersonal relations.Marx argues that the essence of the capitalist division between the political state and civil society lies in the conflict between universal and private interestsStarting from the mediating role of “things” in human interaction,he reveals how the power of things comes to dominate human beings,and through the sublation of private property and the transformation of social relations and social forms,points toward the construction of a new social community.

All governing activities must unfold within specific spaces,as space serves as the foundation for public life and the operation of powerSpatial governance is not only governance within space but also governance of spaceAs a practical activity aiming at achieving specific objectives,spatial governance inherently embodies relationships of power,interests,and rightsIt naturally involves the distribution of power,the interplay of interests,and the pursuit of rights,and offers its distinct political attributesThe political nature of spatial governance is closely tied to spatial justiceAs the essential manifestation of this political dimension,spatial justice establishes the legitimacy of the power of spatial governance and represents the pursuit of spatial production and resource allocation,highlighting the role of spatial governance in coordinating interestsFrom a theoretical perspective,the alienation of spatial power,the imbalanced allocation of spatial resources,and the exclusion of spatial rights constitute the three major symptoms of current injustices in spatial governanceTo optimize and transform spatial governance,it is essential to uphold spatial justice as a fundamental valueThis requires constructing a new paradigm of spatial governance that embodies justice by standardizing mechanisms for exercising power,optimizing interests distribution,and ensuring the equal realization of rights.

The“spatial turn”in contemporary social sciences originated from the high concentration of industrial production activitiesSimilarly,the spatial distribution of public governing activities exhibits varying degrees of agglomeration,serving as a critical perspective for examining the spatial dimension of public governanceThe spatial agglomeration of public governance is jointly determined by the constraining force of governance values,the centripetal force of scalerelated efficiencies,and the centrifugal force of spatial costs,and it manifests different levels and concrete forms of concentration across the domains of diverse public affairs and governing functionsDigitalintelligent technologies have profoundly altered the drivers of the governance agglomeration by facilitating the multidimensional expansion of the governance value constraints,enhancing spatial scalerelated efficiencies in multiple dimensions,and driving the multidimensional differentiation of the spatial cost reductionThis has produced new characteristics such as intensified spatial stratification of governing functions,increased heterogeneity in the spatial distribution of governing activities,and the emergent phenomenon of virtual agglomerationThese new characteristics pose new challenges and also offer new insights into the organizational transformation of spatial governance,the adaptation to characteristics of agglomeration,and the optimization of platform governance in the era of digital intelligence.

Currently,the construction of a full coverage of internal audit supervision in China's state-owned enterprises has entered a phase of comprehensive implementation and advancement. However,at the theoretical level,existing research has yet to develop a problemoriented approach for the full coverage of internal audit supervision,and the current theoretical findings exhibit certain limitations when applied to guide the practical development of internal auditing within stateowned enterprisesDrawing on the perspective of entrusted responsibility in internal auditing,our study exploits Beijing Construction Engineering Group as a case for analysis to explore the specific mechanisms and implementation approaches for the establishment of a full coverage of internal audit supervisionSpecifically,this study proposes an approach that centers on incentiveconstraint mechanisms and addresses the principalagent issues inherent in the internal audit management system,as well as a series of complex challenges of agency arising throughout the internal auditing process of supervision and rectification.These findings contribute to filling the gaps regarding the pathways and methods within the existing theoretical framework of a full coverage of internal audit supervisionFurthermore,it can also provide practical implications for largescale stateowned enterprises in China to achieve highquality development.

 Development is a key issue for the ruling party to consider in governing and rejuvenating the nationIt also provides a practical foundation for the rise of the developmental science of politicsThe developmental state theory,once widely discussed,has gradually lost its influence confronted by the mounting realistic challengesAgainst this backdrop,this article systematically examines the rise and decline of the developmental state theory,and identifies three key dimensions underlying its declining influencesThrough a partycentralism approach to summarize the experience of Chinese modernization,this study reconstructs a developmental state theory by incorporating a partycentralism perspective that emphasizes agency while critically reflecting on its structuralist tendenciesIt proposes a partystate developmental theory highlighting the central driving role of political parties in the development of a stateThis theory is characterized by three key features,as follows,the independent and selfreliant economic development,the strong and efficient party organizational capacities for mobilization,coordination,the integration across political systems and societies at large,and the sustained,effective anticorruption effortsThese features provide theoretical solutions to the endogenous contradictions of the developmental state theory and further enrich the understanding of the Chinese modernization.

The approach of pre-litigation mediation priority deeply implements the governing philosophy of“placing the mechanisms of the non-litigation dispute resolution at the forefront”Through prelitigation diversion,consensus building,and substantive dispute resolution,such approach achieves the optimal allocation of judicial resources and unleashes institutional efficiency. Interpretations of legitimacy,support from Chinas regulatory framework,and accumulated local practices collectively form the multidimensional foundation for the approach of the prelitigation mediation priorityAddressing institutional challenges requires a systematic response across three dimensions,ie.,subjects,objects,and proceduresRegarding the configuration of subject,based on its quasijudicial nature,a courtaffiliated prelitigation mediation system should be established in centering on courtassigned mediation and supported by specially invited mediationThe subject matter should be defined according to the two criteria of positive enumeration and negative exclusion to balance procedural legality with practical adaptability。Procedural design requires the following refinement: the initiation mechanisms should follow a doubletrack model of primarily applicationbased initiation supplemented by courtinitiated intervention; the time limits should employ a composite rule combining statutory benchmarks with consensual extensions; given the unique structure of the prelitigation mediation procedures,a judicial confirmation mechanism based on a model of the consensual court assistance should be established to enhance the enforceability of mediation agreementsThe litigationmediation interface should adopt a model of partyautonomous selection,complemented by refined rules for the retroactive litigation jurisdictionProcedural document sharing should activate the litigation preparatory function of the prevlitigation mediationFurthermore,it is necessary to establish a supporting framework encompassing the prelitigation preservation measures,incentive mechanisms and sanctions,to strengthen the rigor of procedures and enhance their effectiveness,thereby moving beyond theoretical design to facilitate the effective implementation of the principle of prioritizing nonlitigation mediation in the dispute resolution practice.

Human-AI communication has become a cutting-edge issue in the study of communication. However,as a concept developed within the Chinese academic context,it is marked by ambiguous boundaries and fragmented scholarshipCentering on agency,this study reconstructs a theoretical framework to provide an operational definition and a unified basis for a scholarly dialogueIt discusses four major strands of research: the imagined forms of future communication,algorithmic participation in journalism,AImediated communication,and AIasagent communicationBased on narrow representational and broad nonrepresentational conceptions of communication and anthropocentric and postanthropocentric understandings of agency,this study distinguishes the AIasagent from the AIasmedium/environment communicationFor the AIasagent communication,this article proposes a typology based on participant type and the locus of agency,encompassing the AIassisted human communication,the humanassisted AI communication,and the independent AI communication at both individual and collective levels.It also outlines the directions of research concerning the formation of impression,processing information,relational dynamics,task performance,and the attribution of agencyFor the AIasmedium/environment communication,this study applies political economy,cultural studies,and media ecology to examine AIs relationships with informational and cultural environments,labor structures,global political systems,and natural ecosystems.

 In the early and middle periods of Republican China,the term jiazu was used roughly as the synonym for the word“family”to define marital units,family structures,basic kinship organizations,and social and national constituent unitsWhen referred to the relationship between jiazu and family and between jiazu and clan,the term jiazu has more connotations than its literal meaningIt denotes a unit larger than a family,yet smaller than or equivalent to a clanA jiazu was formed by the expansion of several patrilineal families or the combination of multiple families of the same clanJiazu and clan had the same meaning,but a jiazu was also a secondary unit under a clanThe reason that scholars of the time preferred to use the expression jiazu was not only related to their judgment for the type of family structure at that time,but also related to the fact that Chinese familial organizations still maintained the traditional model of patriarchy,patrilineage,and patrilineal governance during that periodIt differed from Western families in terms of their structures and internal relationshipsJiazu had the function of encompassing various forms of kinship organizations of different sizesThe mixed use of the concepts of jiazu,family,and clan has increased the ambiguity of the boundaries of kinship organizations and deserves a clarification as such on how this term was used in history.

The Qianlong Emperor articulated the essential principle of governance,as follows,“to align with our teaching of the voice”This concept aimed to harmonize differences within a unified cultural order grounded in“the teaching of the voice”,which refers to enlightenment through ritualmusic education or verbal instruction and can also denote the cultivation of civilization,building upon an inclusive approach to the customary traditions of the empires multiple ethnic groups. Compared to the Song and Ming dynasties,the Qing rulers and ministers revitalized the classical Confucian tenet of“carrying out the teaching of the voice without limits”It not only transcended the singular Confucian model of cultural edification,thereby legitimizing the integration of diverse ethnic cultures to“align with our teaching of the voice”,but also instituted a dual mechanism of internal and external application with differentiated levelsWithin the imperial territory,the policy described as the teaching of the voice was operationalized through direct political and moral control,as well as the routine disciplining of the populace in different localitiesFor external polities,the Qing court emphasized persuasive soft power,seeking the symbolism of ritual order through rituals like accepting imperial edicts,adopting the Qing calendar,and performing tributary rites to achieve“unification through the teaching of the voice”The evolution of the concept of the teaching of the voice during the Qing Dynasty reconfigured the civilizational meaning of the wellknown“Chinese teaching of the voice”and fostered the ideology of“the unification of both the Chinese and the foreign” and the saying that“the polities of China and foreign countries share one body”On the one hand,these concepts help consolidate internal ethnic cohesion and project an external image of“allunderHeaven”lordship,and,on the other hand,they likewise entrenched a vague sense of celestial superiority,thereby shaping the trajectory of the empires foreign relations in its later decades.